Artikel ini menganalisis strategi Indonesia melalui diplomasi ekonomi dalam menjaga perdagangan dengan Selandia Baru di masa pandemi COVID-19. Seperti diketahui, pada tahun 2020 lalu, Indonesia resmi menetapkan COVID-19 sebagai bencana nasional. Salah satu dampak pandemi COVID-19 adalah terhambatnya pergerakan perdagangan internasional. Perdagangan Indonesia dengan negara mitra juga mengalami penurunan yang cukup signifikan. Namun menurut data yang diperoleh, hubungan dagang Indonesia dengan Selandia Baru di masa pandemi COVID-19 stabil bahkan meningkat. Oleh karena itu, dari latar belakang tersebut peneliti tertarik untuk meneliti dan membahas strategi Indonesia dalam memperkuat perdagangan dengan Selandia Baru di masa pandemi COVID-19 dan proses yang dilakukan. Metode penelitian yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah kualitatif, dengan konsep yang digunakan adalah diplomasi ekonomi, menurut Kishan S Rana. Penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa diplomasi ekonomi dilakukan dalam beberapa tahapan, yaitu economic salesmanship, economic networking, image building, dan regulatory management sebagai strategi memperkuat perdagangan dengan Selandia Baru di masa pandemi COVID-19. Kata kunci: COVID-19, Diplomasi Ekonomi, Indonesia, Perdagangan Internasional, Selandia Baru.

The asset management cycle is an important component and foundation for Regional Governments in managing their assets, but in reality, the management of regional assets is still a classic problem in the Regional Government environment. One of the mandates of the Banten Province's vision contained in the Regional Medium Term Development Plan or RPJMD is to realize good governance. In connection with this, it is a manifestation of the implementation of the principles of good governance, realizing an optimal and adequate regional wealth management system is one of the demands that are expected to be realized by the community. Government Regulation Number 28 of 2020 Amendment to Government Regulation Number 27 of 2014 concerning Management of State or Regional Property is a new policy issued by the Government of Indonesia during the COVID-19 pandemic regarding the management of the regional property. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach, and in collecting data, this study uses literature studies and internet searching. This study will discuss in more depth how to optimize regional asset management during the COVID-19 pandemic carried out by the Banten Provincial Government.

Mining or extractive industries not only provide opportunities for countries that have natural resources, but also provide challenges related to their management. This research departs from the granting of mining concessions for religious CSOs in Indonesia in 2024, which were received by Nahdlatul Ulama and Muhammadiyah. The granting of this mining concession raises controversy where religious CSOs are globally involved in the discourse of promoting environmental justice, on the contrary, NU and Muhammadiyah are part of the source of environmental justice problems, namely mining. This research seeks to find a mining governance model for these religious CSOs when policy is not possible to change. By conducting a theoretical literature review of concepts with the keywords mining governance, extractive governance, natural resource governance, the researcher synthesises the key elements that need to be present in the mining governance model for religious CSOs for the Indonesian context.The results of the research indicate that the following elements are required for the governance of religious CSOs in the context of mining: governance legitimacy, distributive justice, socio-environmental responsibility, transparency and accountability, and multi-stakeholder engagement. It is imperative that each core element is implemented by religious CSOs, given their role in civil society, which is distinct from their function as mining companies. It is imperative that this is carried out so that religious CSOs do not lose public trust and can serve as a model for sustainable mining governance for countries that possess abundant natural resources but have failed to achieve sustainable development (resource curse).  Industri pertambangan atau ekstraktif tidak hanya memberi peluang bagi negara yang memiliki sumber daya alam, tetapi juga menghadirkan tantangan besar dalam pengelolaannya. Penelitian ini berangkat dari kebijakan pemerintah Indonesia yang memberikan konsesi tambang kepada Organisasi Kemasyarakatan (Ormas) Keagamaan pada tahun 2024, khususnya Nahdlatul Ulama dan Muhammadiyah. Kebijakan ini menuai kontroversi karena secara global ormas keagamaan dikenal aktif mendorong keadilan lingkungan, namun kini justru berpotensi menjadi bagian dari sumber masalah melalui keterlibatan langsung dalam kegiatan pertambangan. Penelitian ini bertujuan merumuskan model tata kelola pertambangan yang relevan bagi ormas keagamaan ketika perubahan kebijakan tidak dapat dilakukan dalam waktu dekat. Dengan menggunakan tinjauan literatur sistematis terhadap konsep mining governance, extractive governance, dan natural resource governance, penelitian ini menyintesis elemen-elemen penting yang perlu diadopsi agar tata kelola pertambangan oleh ormas dapat berkelanjutan dan selaras dengan nilai-nilai keagamaan. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan lima elemen utama yang harus diterapkan: legitimasi tata kelola, keadilan distributif dalam pemanfaatan manfaat ekonomi, tanggung jawab sosial dan lingkungan untuk meminimalkan dampak negatif, transparansi dan akuntabilitas dalam setiap proses pengelolaan, serta keterlibatan multi-pemangku kepentingan, termasuk masyarakat terdampak. Penerapan kelima elemen ini menjadi keharusan, mengingat posisi ormas keagamaan sebagai bagian dari masyarakat sipil yang memiliki fungsi moral dan sosial, bukan sekadar aktor ekonomi. Dengan tata kelola yang tepat, ormas keagamaan diharapkan tidak kehilangan kepercayaan publik serta mampu menjadi model praktik pertambangan berkelanjutan bagi negara-negara dengan sumber daya alam melimpah namun masih menghadapi tantangan kutukan sumber daya (resource curse).

Peran media sosial  seperti Instagram saat ini memang menjadi salah satu medium branding politik yang sering digunakan oleh partai politik. Sehingga branding poltik yang dibentuk oleh partai politik, di media sosial, mampu tersampaikan ke seluruh kalangan, terutama pengguna sosial. Dengan harapan mampu meningkatkan elektabilitas, partai politik menjelang pemilihan umum. Salah satunya dilakukan oleh DPW PAN Jabar, pada saat ini. Dengan diluncurkanya akun Instagram DPW PAN Jabar @jabarterdepan, maka nantinya akun Instagram tersebut dapat digunakan sebagai sarana branding politik. Dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif, dan metodi studi literatur, tulisan ini ditujukan untuk mengkaji branding politik yang dilakukan oleh DPW PAN Jabar melalui akun @jabarterdepan di Instagram, terutama menjelang Pemilu 2024. Sehingga diharapkan mampu memahami branding politik yang dibentuk oleh DPW PAN Jabar, dalam menggunakan media sosial Instagram. The role of social media such as Instagram is currently one of the political branding mediums often used by political parties. So that the political branding formed by political parties, on social media, can be conveyed to all circles, especially social users. With the hope of increasing electability, political parties ahead of the general election. One of them is done by DPW PAN West Java, at this time. With the launch of the West Java PAN DPW Instagram account @jabarterdepan, the Instagram account can later be used as a means of political branding. By using a qualitative approach and literature study method, this paper aims to examine the political branding carried out by DPW PAN Jabar through the @jabarterdepan account on Instagram, especially ahead of the 2024 elections. So that it is expected to be able to understand the political branding formed by DPW PAN Jabar, in using Instagram social media.

Public services are a series of activities carried out by the public bureaucracy to meet the needs of service users. Therefore, the quality of public services must be in accordance with customer expectations and this means that government organizations must always be responsive and anticipatory to any changes in customer needs. Motor Vehicle Tax is the largest source of regional tax revenue in Banten Province, various efforts have been made by the local government both extensification and intensification in increasing regional income, one of which is through motor vehicle tax levies as a form of digital public service carried out in Samsat around the world. Banten Province. The purpose of this study is to find out the performance of Public Services in Banten Province, especially regarding the application of e-Sambat during the Covid-19 Pandemic, what are the obstacles and efforts in public services related and carried out by the Banten Provincial Government. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. In collecting the data, this research uses observation, interviews, book studies, and internet searching. Data collection in this research was carried out with existing literature review.

Tulisan ini menggambarkan peranpendakwah perempuan pada kegiatan keagamaan di tengah-tengah masyarakat dengan nilai-nilai patriarki yang masih dominan. Dengan melakukan studi kasus di Kecamatan Dolok, Padang Lawas Utara, Sumatera Utara, studi ini mengungkapkan bahwa meskipun jumlah pendakwah perempuan lebih banyak dari pendakwah laki-laki, peran mereka dalam  melakukan public preaching sangat terbatas. Hal tersebut tidak terlepas dari konstruksi sosial budaya membangun labeling perempuan cenderung inferior dan di bawah kendali laki-laki atau suaminya supaya menjaga keteraturan sosial. Dengan persepsi demikian, para perempuan yang lulus dari sekolah agama pada akhirnya masuk pada ranah domestik sebagai ibu rumah tangga. Di ranah public preaching pendakwah laki-laki lebih banyak berperan karena status gender yang memungkinkan mereka berkegiatan lebih fleksibel. Sementara itu, pendakwah perempuan dapat berkontribusi memberikan ceramah pada acara-acara khusus kalangan perempuan. Selanjutnya, tulisan ini membahas keterkaitan  minimnya peran  perempuan dalam kancah dakwah dengan faktor sosial ekonomi dan penerimaan publik terhadap pendakwah perempuan. This paper describes the role of women preachers in religious activities amid a society with still dominant patriarchal values. By conducting a case study in Dolok District, North Padang Lawas, North Sumatra, this study reveals that although female preachers are statistically more than its male counterparts, their role in public preaching is minimal. This is inseparable from the socio-cultural construction that builds the labeling of women as inferior and under the control of men or their husbands to maintain social order. With such perception, women who graduate from religious schools eventually enter the domestic sphere as housewives. In public preaching, male preachers are more favourable because of their gender status allows them to carry out flexible activities. Meanwhile, female preachers remain give da’wah at particular religious events for women. Furthermore, this paper discusses the relationship between the minimal role of women in the da'wah sphere with socio-economic factors and public acceptance of women preachers.

This article applies topic modeling to examine the discussion on economic development and democracy in United Nations General Debates over time and finds their spread across different countries. To achieve that aim, this article uses openly available debate transcripts from 1970 to 2016 to explore how distributed economic development and democracy are in the debates. Then, this article identifies the key themes of economy and democracy discussed throughout these debates using BERTopic as the topic modeling framework. By doing that, this article provides insights into the extent to which United Nations member states articulate economic progress with democracy based on common keywords and their patterns from the topic modeling. The main finding is that the intertwining between economic development and democracy issues emerges as the comprehensive development agenda became more prominent, such as the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) in 2000 and their transition to Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015. That contributes to knowing how economy and democracy emerge as a concern in the United Nations, the biggest platform for multilateral diplomacy.

Artikel ini memberikan penjelasan mengenai Program Peace Corps yang diadakan di Indonesia sebagai bentuk pelaksanaan diplomasi publik Amerika Serikat (AS). Program Peace Corps dilaksanakan di sekolah/madrasah di tiga provinsi, di Jawa Barat, Jawa Timur dan Nusa Tenggara Timur. Salah satu madrasah yang menjalin kerjasama terkait Program Peace Corps adalah MAN 1 Darussalam Ciamis, program ini dilaksanakan oleh Relawan Peace Corps (PCVs) berkebangsaan AS yang didatangkan untuk membantu sekolah atau madrasah dalam meningkatkan mutu pendidikan, terutama di bidang Pengajaran Bahasa Inggris. Selain itu, program ini juga telah menangkal citra atau anggapan tidak baik yang ada dalam benak Muslim di Indonesia terhadap AS pasca terjadinya peristiwa 9/11. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif-deskriptif sebagai teknik analisis data dan teknik pengumpulam data dilakukan dengan cara wawancara, observasi lapangan serta studi pustaka. Program Peace Corps di Indonesia dianalisis menggunakan struktur diplomasi publik yang disajikan Eytan Gilboa dengan hasil bahwa diplomasi publik AS tergolong ke dalam diplomasi publik jangka panjang dengan waktu beberapa tahun yang bertujuan untuk membangun hubungan - membangun citra baik dengan Muslim Indonesia. hubungan dibangun dengan cara mengirimkan relawan Peace Corps (exchange) ke sekolah/madrasah untuk beriteraksi secara langsung dengan masyarakat Muslim Indonesia. This article provides an explanation of the Peace Corps Program held in Indonesia as a form of United States (US) public diplomacy. The Peace Corps program is implemented in schools/madrasas in three provinces, in West Java, East Java and East Nusa Tenggara. One of the madrasas that collaborated with the Peace Corps Program was MAN 1 Darussalam Ciamis, this program was implemented by US-based Peace Corps Volunteers (PCVs) who were brought in to assist schools or madrasas in improving the quality of education, especially in the field of English Language Teaching. Apart from that, this program has also counteracted the bad image or perception that exists in the minds of Muslims in Indonesia towards the US after the events of 9/11. This study used a qualitative-descriptive research method as a data analysis technique and data collection techniques were carried out by means of interviews, field observations and literature studies. The Peace Corps program in Indonesia was analyzed using the public diplomacy structure presented by Eytan Gilboa with the result that US public diplomacy belongs to long-term public diplomacy with a period of several years which aims to build relationships - build a good image with Indonesian Muslims. relationships built by sending Peace Corps (exchange) volunteers to schools/madrasas to interact directly with the Indonesian Muslim community.

This paper aims to find out how applying a design thinking approach in collaborative planning can overcome urban problems. The design thinking approach to collaborative planning in the city of Bandung received appreciation at The XIth Annual Meeting of the UNESCO Creative Cities Network as a best practice in completing the SDGs agenda, making cities and settlements inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable. However, the collaborative planning product did not continue to impact, and the approach no longer received support from the local government. Previous studies on applying the design thinking approach to urban planning have primarily focused on the relationship between actors and are considered unable to provide the application of design thinking in the development planning process at the government level. We use data from the implementation of design action, development planning deliberations, and legislative recess for the preparation of annual work plans that are described using qualitative methods to gain an in-depth understanding of the application of design thinking in 3 phases of collaborative planning (a) problem identification, (b) problem modeling, and (c) problem-solving. Our research shows that applying a design thinking approach to collaborative planning is more acceptable to stakeholders. However, without political support and formal integration into the development planning system, this approach cannot maintain the sustainability of development.

The Corona Virus Disease 2019 (covid-19) pandemic came suddenly and changed many aspects of policy around the world. The central and local governments immediately responded to this by making policies that could reduce the spread and ensure that the community could carry out activities by implementing health protocols. Then the Banten Provincial government responded by issuing Banten Governor Regulation Number 45 concerning Amendments to Banten Governor Regulation Number 38 of 2020 Implementation of Discipline and Law Enforcement of Health Protocols as an Efforts to Prevent and Control Covid-19. Then, the policy of applying discipline and law enforcement in handling Covid-19 Banten Province faces obstacles in carrying out its duties. This article will discuss the evaluation of the policy of implementing discipline and law enforcement of the Covid-19 health protocol in Banten Province in 2020. This research uses a descriptive qualitative approach. In collecting data, this research uses observation, interviews, literature study, and internet searching. Data collection in this study was carried out by studying the existing literature. In this study, the evaluation theory proposed by William N Dunn consists of 6 indicators related to program evaluation, namely Effectiveness, Efficiency, Adequacy, Equity, Responsiveness, and Accuracy. The findings of this study are the need for an evaluation of this policy, especially regarding the need to improve regulations into regional regulations which were previously only governor regulations so that they can become legal products that can contain strong and binding sanctions.

The COVID-19 pandemic forces all aspects of activities to be carried out at home, one of which is in the world of education to suppress the spread of COVID-19. Hybrid life is an inevitable condition, where educational activities are carried out remotely using various information technologies. This study aims to describe qualitatively and quantitatively the design of Project Based Learning lecture activities and their implementation in the office administration study program and the secretariat of the vocational education program, University of Indonesia. The results of this study indicate that the implementation of the online PjBL method uses the Moodle platform was effevtive.  especially in honing students' critical thinking skills and showing good learning outcomes.

Tax revenue from the Motor Vehicle Tax sector in Banten Province continues to increase from year to year and is the dominant sector of local revenue. This revenue should still be optimized because there are still many arrears or delays in paying motor vehicle taxes, especially in 2020 there is a COVID-19 pandemic which has an impact on people's purchasing power, including the purchase of motorized vehicles and payment of motor vehicle tax (PKB) as well as on The SAMSAT service sector was closed and restricted. After all, it was affected by the COVID-19 prevention program through the Governor of Banten Decree Number 443/Kep.114-Huk/2020 concerning the Determination of the Extraordinary Events of Corona Disease 2019 (COVID-19) in the Banten Province. Thus, a special program is needed to collect these arrears, for this reason, this study will discuss in more depth the evaluation of the door to door collection program for motor vehicle tax arrears in Banten Province during the COVID-19 pandemic using the CIIP evaluation model from Stufflebeam including context evaluation, input evaluation, process evaluation and product evaluation. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach. Collecting data in this study using interviews, observations and documents.

This paper analyses how the successive development models of Kenya, including the Vision 2030, the Big Four Agenda and the Bottom-Up Economic Transformation Agenda (BETA) have created democratic trade-offs towards achieving economic growth. The paper is based on elite capture theory and uses a comparative political-economy method, which combines qualitative research of policy texts, such as official national development plans and secondary governance indicators between 2008 and 2023. This analysis shows that, democratic erosion is not a mere policy failure, but systematically repeated development governance set up. Democratic displacement was created by vision 2030 with technocratic concentration, institutional insulation; Big Four Agenda increased this trend by squeezing accountability under executive acceleration; and BETA reorganized elite capture into localized spaces of participatory, with localized brokerage and co-optation. In all three models, the policy design varied to alter the shape of democracy, but not its content, which always arose due to the weak institutional constraints on elite power and the mischaracterization of participation and enforceable accountability. The article also adds to scholarship by applying the elite capture theory to a participatory development setting, refuting normative beliefs that inclusion is the sole means of increasing democratic legitimacy. To policy and practice, the results warn against reforms that are designed but not implemented by the institution and that the issue of economic ambition and democratic accountability can only be resolved by having power-limiting governance structures in practice.

ABSTRACT: Terrorism is one form of transnational crime and is very threatening tranquility and peace. In Indonesia, terrorism crimes often occur and consume victims that are not small in number from their own citizens or from foreign nationals. The purpose of the study "Overcoming Terrorism Threats at Air Base: Study of terrorism threat prevention cases at Halim Perdanakusuma Air Base" is to describe and analyze the handling of terrorism threats at the Base Air both in terms of policy and technical. The indicators used in this study are the ability of the Air Base and Halim Perdanakusuma Airport to be viewed from aspects of human resources, infrastructure, operations, supervision and equipment. The informants in this study were Air Base personnel, Angkasa Pura and officials in the Halim Perdanakusuma Air Base area. The research data is preceded by collecting secondary data and then followed by interviews and observation methods. Based on the results of the research carried out, it was obtained the results that counterterrorism at Halim Perdanakusuma Air Base was seen from the aspect of human resources, infrastructure, operations, supervision and equipment was still not optimal. So it needs a method that is solved in an innovative idea where it will indirectly provide input in improving terrorism threat control at Halim Perdanakusuma Air Base and Halim Perdanakusuma Airport.

Hubungan sipil dan militer di Indonesia pasca reformasi menghadirkan dinamika yang unik, terutama terkait dengan peran dan netralitas TNI dalam proses politik. Pemilu 2024 menjadi ujian penting bagi TNI dalam menjalankan prinsip netralitas dan memisahkan diri dari politik praktis. Jurnal ini menganalisis netralitas TNI dalam Pemilu 2024 melalui perspektif hubungan sipil-militer, dengan mengkaji landasan hukum, tantangan, serta relevansi reformasi militer yang telah berlangsung sejak 1998. Kesimpulan dari kajian ini menunjukkan bahwa meskipun ada komitmen dari TNI untuk netral, tantangan dari hubungan historis dan struktur kekuasaan politik tetap memerlukan perhatian. Civil-military relations in post-reform Indonesia present unique dynamics, especially related to the role and neutrality of the TNI in the political process. The 2024 election is an important test for the TNI in implementing the principle of neutrality and separating itself from practical politics. This journal analyzes the TNI's neutrality in the 2024 election through the perspective of civil-military relations, by examining the legal basis, challenges, and relevance of military reforms that have been ongoing since 1998. The conclusion of this study shows that despite the TNI's commitment to neutrality, challenges from historical relations and political power structures still require attention.

The COVID-19 pandemic has made women vulnerable to problems because they have low incomes, low savings, and tend not to have adequate protection due to their majority status as informal workers. In 2020, Indonesia has a women population of 133.54 million. The Central Statistics Agency for Indonesia shows that the percentage of poor women (Head Count Index) in March 2020 was 9.96 percent. This means that 9.96 percent of the total women population in Indonesia is poor. Women's poverty will also be evident in households with a women head of household. The percentage of women household heads is mostly found in poor families. In March 2020, 15.88 percent of women were heads of households with poor status in Indonesia. Disaster management which was later realized in the form of policies in the form of health protocols, Large-Scale Social Restrictions, and the determination of WFH (work from home) and SFH (school from home) activities created a lot of pressure for women, plus the burden on the family economy that poor women had to accept in Indonesia. The adaptive capacity possessed by women allows them to adapt to changes, giving rise to adaptive capacity. Adaptive capacity refers to the proactive (ex-ante) or preventive actions that people use to learn from past experiences, anticipate future risks and adapt to current conditions. In this article, we will discuss the importance of economic development and social capital as part of a set of adaptive capacities for women in poor families during the Covid-19 pandemic which is supported by communities, stakeholders, and existing policies in Indonesia. Pandemi COVID-19 membuat perempuan rentan mengalami permasalahan karena mereka memiliki pendapatan yang rendah, tabungan yang rendah, dan cenderung tidak memiliki proteksi yang memadai akibat statusnya yang mayoritas sebagai tenaga kerja informal. Pada tahun 2020, Indonesia memiliki jumlah penduduk perempuan sebanyak 133,54 juta. Badan Pusat Stastitik Indonesia menunjukkan bahwa persentase penduduk miskin (Head Count Index) perempuan pada Maret 2020 sebesar 9,96 persen. Artinya, 9,96 persen dari seluruh penduduk perempuan di Indonesia berstatus miskin. Kemiskinan perempuan juga akan tampak nyata pada rumah tangga dengan kepala rumah tangga perempuan. Persentase kepala rumah tangga perempuan banyak ditemui pada keluarga miskin. Pada Maret 2020, 15,88 persen perempuan merupakan kepala rumah tangga dengan status miskin di Indonesia. Penanggulangan bencana yang kemudian diwujudkan dalam bentuk kebijakan berupa protokol kesehatan, Pembatasan Sosial Berskala Besar, dan penetapan kegiatan WFH (work from home) serta SFH (school from home) membuat banyak tekanan bagi para perempuan, ditambah beban perekonomian keluarga yang harus diterima oleh perempuan miskin di Indonesia. Kemampuan adaptasi yang dimiliki oleh perempuan memungkinkan mereka beradaptasi dengan perubahan sehingga menimbulkan kapasitas adaptif. Kapasitas adaptif mengacu pada tindakan proaktif (ex-ante) atau pencegahan yang digunakan orang untuk belajar dari pengalaman masa lalu, mengantisipasi risiko di masa depan dan menyesuaikan diri dengan kondisi yang saat ini dialami. Dalam Artikel ini akan membahas pentingnya pembangunan ekonomi dan modal sosial sebagai salah satu bagian dari seperangkat kapasitas adaptif bagi perempuan dalam keluarga miskin selama Masa Pandemi Covid-19 yang didukung oleh komunitas, stakeholder dan kebijakan yang ada di Indonesia.

The post-October 2023 Red Sea Crisis, driven by persistent attacks on commercial shipping by Yemen's Houthi movement, has fundamentally transformed the security architecture of the adjacent Gulf of Aden. Applying the Copenhagen School's Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT), this article argues that the crisis represents a successful securitization act by a non-state actor that has displaced the long-standing multilateral counter-piracy regime and generated a complex security dilemma in the region. This securitization has compelled a strategic redeployment of international naval assets from broad anti-piracy patrols to focused anti-missile defense in the Bab el-Mandeb Strait resulting security vacuum in the wider Gulf of Aden and Somali Basin has, in turn, enabled a documented resurgence of Somali piracy and fostered the emergence of new hybrid threats, including collaboration between Houthis and other regional armed groups amid the divided security focuses from the governments in the region. In its investigation, this research uses qualitative approach by extracting the data from diverse sources from news coverages, academic articles, official releases from involved governments and international organizations, as well as reports from think tank organizations. This analysis demonstrates the profound capacity of localized, asymmetric conflicts to reconfigure regional security dynamics, challenge established global governance models, and degrade security in contiguous maritime spaces. Krisis Laut Merah pasca-Oktober 2023, yang didorong oleh serangan terus-menerus terhadap pelayaran komersial oleh gerakan Houthi Yaman, telah mengubah arsitektur keamanan Teluk Aden secara signifikan. Dengan menerapkan Teori Kompleks Keamanan Regional (Regional Security Complex Theory - RSCT) dari Copenhagen School, artikel ini berargumen bahwa krisis ini merupakan langkah sekuritisasi yang sukses oleh aktor non-negara yang telah menggantikan rezim anti-pembajakan multilateral yang telah berlangsung lama serta menciptakan sebuah dilema keamanan kompleks di kawasan tersebut. Hal ini ini telah memaksa pemindahan strategis aset angkatan laut internasional dari patroli anti-pembajakan yang luas ke pertahanan anti-rudal yang terfokus di Selat Bab el-Mandeb sebagai respon dari serangan Houthi Yaman yang melakukan sekuritisasi sebagai dampak dari serangan Israel. Kekosongan keamanan yang dihasilkan di Teluk Aden dan Cekungan Somalia yang lebih luas, pada gilirannya, memungkinkan kebangkitan perompakan Somalia yang terdokumentasi dan mendorong munculnya ancaman hibrida baru, termasuk kolaborasi antara Houthi dan kelompok-kelompok bersenjata regional lainnya. Dalam melakukan investigasi, penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif dengan menggunakan berbagai sumber data mulai dari pemberitaan media massa, artikel akademik, laporan resmi pemerintah dan organisasi internasional, serta laporan lembaga think tank. Analisis ini menunjukkan kapasitas mendalam dari konflik asimetris yang terlokalisasi untuk mengkonfigurasi ulang dinamika keamanan regional, menantang model tata kelola global yang sudah mapan, dan menurunkan keamanan di ruang maritim yang bersebelahan.

Artikel ini menjelaskan mengenai hubungan politik, polisi dan militer di Indonesia pasca era Orde Baru dan pengaruhnya terhadap perkembangan demokrasi di era reformasi. Rezim otoriter yang berlangsung selama 32 tahun di era Orde Baru menyisakan kultur intervensi penguasa terhadap polisi dan militer untuk kepentingan politik pribadi. Begitupun intervensi polisi dan militer terhadap politik praktis. Fenomena tersebut dapat menghambat proses transisi Indonesia menuju demokrasi yang ideal. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode deskriptif kualitatif dengan studi pustaka sebagai metode untuk mengumpulkan data-data terkait kasus hubungan politik, polisi dan militer di era reformasi. Pengumpulan data melalui pencarian dan rekontruksi berbagai sumber, seperti buku, jurnal, dan penelitian sebelumnya. Kemudian data dianalisis menggunakan teori dan konsep hubungan sipil dan militer dalam sistem demokrasi. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa meski hubungan politik, polisi dan militer di Indonesia pada era reformasi sudah diatur dalam Undang-Undang berdasarkan konsep demokrasi yang ideal, nyatanya indeks demokrasi di Indonesia mengalami penurunan. Berbagai fenomena pelanggaran menunjukkan masih perlu ditegakkannya aturan untuk menjaga netralitas, dan mencegah terjadinya pelanggaran politik yang dilakukan oleh penguasa maupun aktor keamanan. Selain itu juga perlu ditingkatkannya pengawasan publik terhadap pemerintah maupun aktor keamanan agar proses Indonesia menuju demokrasi yang ideal bisa segera tercapai. This article explains the relationship between politics, the police and the military in Indonesia after the New Order era and its influence on the development of democracy in the reform era. The authoritarian regime that lasted for 32 years in the New Order era left a culture of ruling interventions against the police and military for personal political interests. Likewise, police and military intervention in practical politics. This phenomenon can hinder Indonesia's transition to an ideal democracy. This research uses descriptive qualitative method with literature study as a method to collect data related to cases of political relations, police and military in the reform era. Data collection through searching and reconstructing various sources, such as books, journals, and previous research. Then the data was analyzed using theories and concepts of civil and military relations in a democratic system. The results showed that although political, police and military relations in Indonesia in the reform era have been regulated in law based on the concept of ideal democracy, in fact the democracy index in Indonesia has decreased. Various phenomena of violations show that there is still a need to enforce rules to maintain neutrality, and prevent political violations committed by the authorities and security actors. In addition, it is also necessary to increase public supervision of the government and security actors so that Indonesia's process towards ideal democracy can be as smooth as possible.

Desa wisata menjadi salah satu aktivitas alternatif pengembangan masyarakat yang berkelanjutan. Dalam pelaksanaannya, masyarakat dapat mendayagunakan berbagai sumber daya lokal masyarakat yang tersedia sehingga memungkinkan masyarakat untuk terlibat dalam peningkatan kualitas hidupnya. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menggambarkan pendayagunaan sumber daya lokal masyarakat sebagai modal dalam melaksanakan pengembangan desa wisata yang berkelanjutan. Penelitian ini dilakukan di Desa Cibuntu, Kecamatan Pasawahan, Kabupaten Kuningan, Jawa Barat. Penelitian dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode analisis data sekunder yang diperoleh dari laporan kegiatan desa wisata, potensi desa, program pembangunan desa, dan data sekunder lain hasil kajian literatur artikel jurnal yang relevan. Analisis dilakukan berdasarkan aspek-aspek pendayagunaan sumber daya lokal meliputi bentuk-bentuk dan proses pendayagunaannya dalam pengembangan desa wisata di lokasi penelitian. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sumber daya lokal yang didayagunakan dalam pengembangan desa wisata di lokasi penelitian terdiri dari: (1) sumber daya alam, meliputi air terjun dan mata air; (2) sumber daya sosial masyarakat, meliputi kualitas masyarakat dan keberadaan lembaga lokal masyarakat; dan (3) budaya masyarakat, meliputi situs purbakala, upacara adat, dan sanggar seni. Proses pendayagunaan sumber daya lokal di lokasi penelitian dilakukan melalui proses partisipatif yang memberikan kesempatan kepada masyarakat untuk mengembangan program desa wisata berdasarkan kemampuan yang mereka miliki. Proses tersebut menjadi kunci keberhasilan dari pengembangan program desa wisata yang berkelanjutan di lokasi penelitian. The tourism village is one of the alternative activities for sustainable community development. In practice, the community can utilize various available local community resources so as to enable the community to be involved in improving the quality of their life. This study aims to describe the utilization of local community resources as capital in implementing sustainable tourism village development. This research was conducted in Cibuntu Village, Pasawahan District, Kuningan Regency, West Java. The research was conducted using the secondary data analysis method obtained from reports on tourism village activities, village potential, village development programs, and other secondary data from the literature review of relevant journal articles. The analysis was carried out based on the aspects of utilizing local resources including the forms and processes of their utilization in the development of tourist villages at the research site. The results showed that the local resources utilized in the development of tourist villages at the research site consisted of: (1) natural resources, including waterfalls and springs; (2) community social resources, including community quality and the existence of local community institutions; and (3) community culture, including archaeological sites, traditional ceremonies, and art studios. The process of utilizing local resources at the research site is carried out through a participatory process that provides opportunities for the community to develop tourism village programs based on their capabilities. This process is the key to the success of developing a sustainable tourism village program at the research site.

Perang saudara Lebanon yang belum terselesaikan menimbulkan konflik baru antara Israel dan Lebanon pada tahun 2006. Berdasarkan Resolusi DK PBB 1701 dan Undang-undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945, Indonesia diperbolehkan mengirimkan pasukan penjaga perdamaian di bawah United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) untuk rekonsiliasi di Lebanon. Konsekuensinya, peran Indonesia dalam defence diplomacy menjadi penting untuk menyelesaikan konflik Lebanon. Penelitian ini menggunakan metode kualitatif dengan data sekunder dari studi literatur, jurnal, berita, dan sumber daring yang berkaitan dengan implementasi defence diplomacy militer Indonesia dalam upaya perdamaian konflik Lebanon. Data-data tersebut kemudian divalidasi dengan triangulasi data lewat mencocokan kesesuaian data dari peacekeepers Indonesia, Kementerian Pertahanan, dan Kementerian Luar Negeri Republik Indonesia, serta juga membandingkannya terhadap berbagai sumber data sekunder lainnya. Penelitian ini menemukan bahwa sampai batas tertentu, Indonesia telah berhasil melakukan tujuan defence diplomacy melalui misi Civil-Military Coordination (CIMIC). Selain itu, militer Indonesia telah membangun kembali citra masa lalunya di mata dunia internasional dan memperkuat Confidece Building Measures (CBM) di antara negara-negara yang terlibat dalam misi perdamaian di Lebanon maupun negara-negara pendonor. Dengan keberhasilan kegiatan defence diplomacy, Indonesia membuka jalan untuk menjalin kerja sama baru dengan aktor negara atau non-negara di bidang pertahanan dan lainnya. The unresolved Lebanese Civil War precipitated a new conflict between Israel and Lebanon in 2006. In accordance with UN Security Council Resolution 1701 and the 1945 Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia, Indonesia was authorized to deploy peacekeeping forces under the United Nations Interim Force in Lebanon (UNIFIL) to support reconciliation efforts. Consequently, Indonesia's role in defense diplomacy became pivotal in resolving the conflict. This study employs a qualitative method utilizing secondary data derived from literature reviews, academic journals, news reports, and online sources pertaining to the implementation of Indonesian military defence diplomacy in peace efforts for the Lebanon conflict. The collected data were subsequently validated through triangulation by cross-referencing information from Indonesian peacekeepers, the Ministry of Defence, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Republic of Indonesia, as well as comparing it with various secondary sources. The findings reveal that, to a certain extent, Indonesia has successfully achieved its defense diplomacy objectives through the Civil-Military Coordination (CIMIC) mission. Furthermore, the Indonesian military has restored its international reputation and strengthened Confidence Building Measures (CBM) among nations involved in the peacekeeping mission as well as donor countries. Through the success of these defense diplomacy activities, Indonesia has paved the way for establishing new cooperation with state and non-state actors in the defense sector and beyond.